全球视野 | 城市属于谁？巴西如何对抗敌意建筑的隐形排斥？

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文章《One Year Ago, Brazil Banned Hostile Architecture. Easier Said Than Done. /一年前，巴西禁止敌意建筑。说起来容易，做起来难。》发布在NextCity上。这篇文章探讨了巴西禁止“敌意建筑”（hostile architecture）的背景、法律进展及实施中的挑战。文章呼吁从制度和意识上解决敌意建筑背后的社会排斥问题，通过立法、政策和社会倡导实现真正包容的公共空间。

In February 2021, at the height of the pandemic, images of a lone priest standing beneath an overpass with a sledgehammer in his hands captured Brazil’s attention. 

2021年2月，在疫情最严重的时候，一位牧师孤独地站在立交桥下，他手握大锤的照片引起了巴西人的注意。 

Father Julio Lancellotti, a São Paulo-based priest known for his work with trans people and those living on the streets, had crushed hundreds of stones placed there by São Paulo’s mayor to prevent homeless people from taking shelter beneath the overpass. 

胡里奥·兰切洛蒂神父是一位在圣保罗的牧师，因其为变性人和流落街头者所做的工作而闻名，他砸碎了圣保罗市长为防止无家可归者在立交桥下栖身而放置的数百块石头。 

Lancellotti was protesting hostile architecture, the design of public spaces or structures to discourage their use. From removing seating from train stations to installing metal dividers on benches, hostile architecture attempts to keep the “unwanted” away from certain spaces — especially keeping unhoused people from seeking shelter, sleeping, sitting or existing in the public. 

兰切洛蒂是在抗议“敌意建筑”，即通过设计公共空间或结构，来阻止人们使用这些地方。从移除火车站的座椅，到在长椅上安装金属隔板，“敌意建筑”试图将“不受欢迎的人群”排除在某些空间之外，尤其是阻止无家可归者在公共场所寻求庇护、睡觉、休息或仅仅是存在。 

“It’s a concept: the city isn’t hospitable. And the poor are not welcome,” Father Julio said an interview for ArchDaily. “An architectural project based on a neoliberal epistemology can only be like this. It has several impediments, not everyone can enter, the entrance is selective…Have you ever seen a homeless person in a shopping center? They don’t even get past the door. They’re not public or democratic spaces. We have fenced squares.” 

胡里奥神父在接受《ArchDaily》采访时说：“这是一种理念：这座城市并不友善，穷人也不被欢迎。基于新自由主义认识论（译者注：是指基于新自由主义思想的知识观，强调知识的市场化、工具化和个人化，将知识视为一种商品，其价值主要体现在经济效益和实用性上，而非社会或批判意义）的建筑项目就只能是这样的：它有许多限制，不是所有人都能进入，入口是有选择性的……你在购物中心里见过无家可归者吗？他们连门都进不去。这些空间既不公共也不民主。我们甚至用围栏围住了广场。” 

For decades, Father Lancellotti has called attention to the increasing social exclusion in São Paulo. But the iconic images of the priest wielding his sledgehammer finally pushed Brazil’s National Congress to take up his issue. 

几十年来，兰切洛蒂神父一直呼吁人们关注圣保罗日益严重的社会排斥问题。但是，最终是这位神父挥舞大锤的标志性形象，促使巴西国民议会开始着手解决他的问题。

In November of 2023, congressional lawmakers passed the Father Julio Lancellotti Act to make hostile architecture illegal. Yet just over a year later, the law still hasn’t been put into practice. 

2023年11月，巴西国会通过了《胡里奥·兰切洛蒂神父法案》，将"敌意性建筑"定为非法。然而一年多过去了，该法案仍未落实。 

While Father Lancellotti’s symbolic act ignited a national conversation, the future of hostile architecture hinges both on lawmakers’ effective regulation – as well as their willingness to recognize all residents’ right to the city. When so-called “defensive design” is built into the mindset of urban planning, experts and advocates say, a single law can only do so much. 

虽然兰切洛蒂神父的象征性举动引发了巴西的全国性讨论，但敌意建筑的未来不仅仅是取决于立法者的有效监管，还取决于他们是否愿意承认所有的居民对城市的权利。专家和倡导者表示，当所谓的“防御性设计”成为城市规划思维的一部分时，单靠一部法律能起到的作用是有限的。

After lawmakers passed the Father Julio Lancellotti Act, then-President Jair Bolsonaro vetoed the legislation. Congress quickly revoked his veto with a Senate vote; only four senators voted against the bill, which technically went into effect in January 2023. 

在立法者通过《胡里奥·兰切洛蒂神父法案》后，时任巴西总统雅伊尔·博索纳罗否决了这项立法。国会迅速通过参议院投票推翻了他的否决，只有四名参议员投了反对票，该法案在形式上已经于2023年1月生效。 

Despite its overwhelming approval, the law had to wait almost a year for regulation, until Bolsonaro’s successor, President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, signed the decree at a December 2023 ceremony attended by human rights and street activists. 

尽管该法案获得了压倒性的支持，但该法案不得不等待近一年的时间才能实施，直到博索纳罗的继任者路易斯·伊纳西奥·卢拉·达席尔瓦总统，在2023年12月的一次有人权和街头活动人士参加的仪式上签署了该法令。 

The decree stipulates measures to curb the use of hostile materials, structures, equipment and construction techniques in open spaces for public use. It also requires urban planning tools and policies, such as zoning regulations and building codes, to help prevent the use of hostile architectural elements. The federal government is also obliged to guide municipalities, in cooperation with states, to comply with the decree, especially in adapting master plans, building codes and local legislation. 

该法令规定了在公共开放空间限制使用敌意性材料、结构、设备和施工技术的措施。它还要求城市规划工具和政策，例如分区法规和建筑规范，来帮助防止使用敌意性建筑的元素。巴西联邦政府还有义务与各州合作，指导市政当局遵守该法令，特别是在调整总体规划、建筑规范和地方法规方面。 

After the decree regulating the law on hostile architecture, the government integrated some diluted measures into the National Plan for Visible Streets. Since early 2013, the plan has sought to assist the homeless population through social assistance, health, education, housing and job creation. 

在颁布了规范敌意建筑法的法令后，政府将一些相对宽松的措施纳入了“可见街道国家计划”。自2013年初以来，该计划一直致力于通过社会援助、卫生、教育、住房和创造就业来帮助无家可归者。 

However, experts say the law’s effective application still depends on how states and municipalities adapt their local legislation. Challenges related to real estate lobbyists remain, which can make it difficult to implement more inclusive rules. 

然而，专家表示，该法律的有效实施，仍然取决于各州和市如何调整当地立法。与房地产游说者相关的挑战依然存在，这可能使得实施更具包容性的法规变得困难。 

Father Lancellotti, who says he receives daily complaints on his social networks, has proposed the creation of a complaints channel accessible to anyone. Meanwhile, far-right politicians in São Paulo are calling for Lancellotti to be investigated for creating “a mafia of misery” in the city through his work supporting drug addicts and unhoused communities. 

兰切洛蒂神父表示，他每天都会在社交网络上收到投诉，他提议建立一个任何人都可以访问的投诉渠道。与此同时，圣保罗的极右翼政治人物呼吁对兰切洛蒂进行调查，指控他通过支持吸毒者和无家可归者群体的工作，在城市中创建了“贫困黑帮”。 

The priest’s opponents have collected signatures for a parliamentary inquiry to investigate NGOs that operate in the city’s central region. They are particularly targeting what is known as “Cracolandia,” a downtown area overrun by crack users, where Father Lancellotti offers spiritual support, food, shelter and connections to healthcare and rehabilitation services. 

该神父的反对者已经征集了签名，要求发起议会调查，以调查在该市中心地区运营的一家非政府组织。他们将矛头指向了被称为“Cracolandia”的地区，这是市中心的一个吸毒者泛滥的地区。兰切洛蒂神父在那里提供精神支持、食物、住所，以及与医疗和康复服务的对接联系。 

The opposition makes clear that banning hostile architecture will not solve all the urban problems that these exclusionary design choices represent. 

反对意见明确指出，禁止敌意建筑并不能解决这些排斥性设计所代表的全部城市问题。 

To social anthropologist Alana Moraes of the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, hostile architecture “is part of this whole machine operated by those who consider themselves the owners of urban spaces.” 

在里约热内卢联邦大学的社会人类学家阿拉娜·莫赖斯看来，敌意建筑“是那些自认为是城市空间主人的人，所操控的整个体系的一部分。” 

“They are a very important but sometimes silent face of the racialized hygienist violence that is often applauded by the city’s middle and upper classes,” she argues. 

她认为：“这些设计是种族化卫生暴力（译者注：指的是在公共健康和卫生政策中，基于种族或族裔的歧视和暴力行为。这种现象通常表现为某些种族或族裔群体在卫生政策、医疗实践或公共健康措施中遭受不公平对待、污名化或系统性压迫）的重要体现之一，虽然有时表现得无声无息，但往往会受到城市中上层阶级的赞赏。” 

Across time and space, urban planners and city officials have turned to hostile architecture as a band-aid solution to address homelessness and crime. In 19th-century England and America, urine deflectors were used to prevent people from urinating in certain places. reaching particular areas of cities. Across the U.S., redlining, “urban renewal” policies, exclusionary zoning, food apartheid, inaccessible public transportation and other urban planning choices have enforced and reified racial and class segregation. 

纵观历史和地域，城市规划者和官员常将敌意建筑作为一种权宜之计，用来应对无家可归者和犯罪问题。在19世纪的英格兰和美国，人们使用尿液导流板以防止人们在特定地点小便。而在美国各地，红线制度（译者注：红线制度是一种歧视性做法，指金融机构拒绝向某些特定社区，通常是非裔美国人或其他少数族裔社区，提供贷款、保险或其他金融服务。这种做法得名于20世纪30年代美国联邦政府绘制的地图，其中用红线标注了“高风险”区域，这些区域往往是少数族裔聚居区）、城市更新政策、排他性分区、食物种族隔离、公共交通不便等城市规划选择，则进一步强化并固化了种族和阶级的隔离。 

Architects Elenara Stein Leitão, Oscar Muller and Vinicius Gonçalves tell Next City that hostile architecture is just one facet of “a society that focuses on security, often the fruit of social exclusion, in which it would be possible to differentiate into two strands: the security of those who own property and the expulsion of the undesirables.” 

建筑师埃莱娜拉·斯坦·莱陶、奥斯卡·穆勒和维尼修斯·贡萨尔维斯在接受《Next City》采访时表示，敌意建筑是“一个只注重安全的社会”的一个方面，这往往是由社会排斥所导致的。在这个社会中，人们可以划分为两类：一类是有财产者的安全保障，另一类是被驱逐的不受欢迎者。 

A simple example shows how pervasive this approach of social exclusion is. “The colour chosen by fast food restaurants is intended not to welcome, but to make people leave more quickly once they finish their meals,” they explain. 

一个简单的例子就能说明这种社会排斥方式有多么的普遍。他们解释说：“快餐店选择的颜色不是为了欢迎顾客，而是为了让人们在用餐完毕后更快地离开。” 

Design choices that aim to push those deemed undesirable from the public view do not only hurt homeless communities. They also harm elderly, disabled and pregnant individuals, as well as the general public, who can find it difficult to find a decent place to sit, rest or use the bathroom when they leave their homes. 

旨在将被视为不受欢迎的群体排除在公众视野之外的设计选择，不仅伤害了无家可归者社区，还对老年人、残疾人和孕妇造成伤害，甚至对普通大众也带来了困扰，因为他们在离开家时，可能会很难找到一个合适的地方坐下、休息或是使用卫生间。 

The use of hostile architecture in Brazil dates back to the mid-1980s, explains architect and researcher Gustavo de Lucca. Its use is linked to the rise of large, closed condominiums, shopping centers and other spaces that segregate urban living. In recent years, the situation has worsened, accompanying the growth of poverty and social exclusion while the luxury market has grown, de Lucca says. 

建筑师兼研究员古斯塔沃·德·卢卡解释说，敌意建筑在巴西的使用历史可以追溯到20世纪80年代中期。它的使用与大型封闭式公寓、购物中心和其他隔离城市生活的空间的兴起有关。德·卢卡说，近年来，伴随着贫困和社会排斥现象的加剧，以及奢侈品市场的发展，这种情况愈演愈烈。 

Hostile architecture grew as a response by elites to the growth of poverty and social exclusion, not only in large urban centers such as São Paulo or Rio de Janeiro but also in medium-sized cities such as Recife, Campinas or João Pessoa. 

敌意建筑是精英阶层对贫困和社会排斥问题加剧的一种回应，这种现象不仅出现在圣保罗或里约热内卢等大城市，也在累西腓、坎皮纳斯或若昂佩索阿等中型城市中有所体现。 

“Hostile architecture remains an individual solution to collective problems and therefore, besides not solving anything, it contributes to amplifying already existing tensions,” de Lucca says. 

德·卢卡表示：“敌意建筑仍然是针对集体问题的个体化解决方案。因此，它不仅没有解决任何问题，反而加剧了已经存在的紧张局势。” 

Even if the most obvious examples of hostile architecture are eradicated under Brazil’s new law, segregated spaces where different social classes have little contact will continue to exist. Brazile’s newly-built flats still come with so-called maid’s rooms and servants’ quarters, reserved for the individuals who clean, cook and take care of their bosses’ homes. 

即使巴西新法律消除了最明显的敌对建筑，但是隔离不同社会阶层、让他们之间很少接触的隔离空间仍将继续存在。巴西新建的公寓仍然设有所谓的佣人房和仆人宿舍，供那些打扫、做饭和照顾老板的人使用。 

Experts say the problem is the mentality behind urban planning. To change that requires a total transformation of how cities are understood: not as a real estate commodity, but a public common. 

专家们说，问题在于城市规划背后的心态。要改变这种状况，就必须彻底改变人们对城市的理解：不是把城市当作房地产商品，而是当作公共场所。 

“The city is not a financial asset. It cannot be hostage to the dynamics of speculation … [which] decides who can or who cannot remain in the spaces, whether to sleep or to do anything else,” argues Moraes, the social anthropologist. “They decide who are the ‘undesirables’, the ‘disposable’ and who are the ones who can have the right to live the city, to enjoy its spaces and collective goods.” 

“城市不是金融资产。它不能成为投机动态的人质……（投机动态）决定了谁可以或谁不可以留在这些空间里，无论是睡觉还是做其他事情，”社会人类学家莫拉斯辩称，“他们决定了谁是‘不受欢迎的人’、‘可抛弃的人’，谁是有权在城市生活、享受城市空间和集体物品的人。” 

She points to São Paulo’s MTST, or Homeless Workers’ Movement, a social movement advocating for housing rights. Founded in 1997, the group mobilizes landless and homeless individuals, aiming to address urban housing inequalities and occupy empty buildings. 

莫拉斯提到了圣保罗的无家可归工人运动（MTST），这是一个倡导住房权利的社会运动。该组织成立于1997年，动员了无地和无家可归者，旨在解决城市住房不平等问题，并占据空置楼房。 

In these occupations, she says, organizers begin by building a collective kitchen. This space opens up these vacant spaces to the neighborhood, enabling people to meet and begin creating networks of care. 

她说，在这些占据行动中，组织者首先会建立一个集体厨房。这个空间将空置的建筑向社区开放，使人们可以相聚并开始建立互助网络。 

“If there is something that is opposed to hostile architecture, it is this open architecture made by housing movements,” she argues. “Everyone has a commitment to that space, unlike the agents of speculation that are focused on the production of value, on the private appropriation of an asset that belongs to everyone.” 

她认为：“如果有什么是与敌意建筑相对立，那就是由住房运动创造的开放式建筑。每个人都对那个空间负有责任，而不是像投机者那样专注于价值的生产，私自占有本应属于所有人的资产。”